CULTURAL NATIONALISM IT’S HISTORIC TRADITIONS: PART TWO (1972 REVISITED)
Cultural Nationalism, as seen historically by Garvey, Delaney and the Nation of Islam has always contained the seed of separatism within its framework. (See David Hillard as quoted on “Face the Nation,” CBS News, December 28, 1969.) Better perceived, though, the concept of Black nationhood as it relates to Cultural Nationalism, at present has perhaps found its greatest expression in the program of the US organization. (The Nation of Islam must be excluded here. Though still advocating Black nationhood as a solution to the problems of Blacks, the Nation is at that the present time placing its primary emphasis is on Black business development rather than on the promulgation of Black aesthetic and cultural values as a basis for Black nationhood.) (See Henry E. Weinstein, “Conservation with Elijah,” The Nation, January 20, 1969, p. 74).
US was founded in the latter part of 1965 by Ron Karenga. The Cultural Nationalist spirit is openly evident in one of US organizations’ favorite expressions “Just trying to be Black.” US like many other Cultural Nationalist organizations has, instead of offering tangible programs of immediate significance to the Black community, contented itself with the celebration of African festivals, holidays, and the promotion of African fashion shows. US also places strong emphasis on the adoption of a new language for Black people. Swahili is the African language that has been chosen. (See Mulana Ron Karenga, The Black Community and the University, New Haven; Yale University Press, 1969, pp. 47-48).
As Karenga has explained it: “We need a new language to break the linguistic strait jacket of our masters.” The emphasis on language rather than programs have done a great deal to create confusion among many Black people. The study of a second language at this point in the struggle is at best a peripheral issue in so far as the immediate needs of Black people are concerned. Further, whether it is realized or not, English is the number one language in the world, and one of the major languages spoken in the Third World.
US, like other Cultural Nationalist groups which include the Yorubas and the Mau Maus of Harlem, feel that it is essential to relate to all the customs and traditions of Africa. Karenga has said: “To go back to tradition is the first step forward.” As opposed to this Huey P. Newton, who embodies the spirit of the Black Panther Party, the main force behind revolutionary Black Nationalism in America, takes a different and much more pragmatic view when he points out: “We have to realize our Black heritage in order to give us strength to move and progress. But as far as returning to the old African culture, it’s unnecessary and it is not advantageous in many respects. We believe that culture by itself will not liberate us. We are going to need some stronger stuff.” Huey of course is referring to the correct political and economic discipline based strictly on the needs of the Black masses. (See Huey P. Newton, Functional Definition of Politics, The Black Panther, January 3, 1970.)
Going back to the concept of Black nationhood as it involves Cultural Nationalism, we can see just how weak the premise on which it rests is. But as a final note on this question, neither US nor any of the Cultural Nationalist organizations that are pushing the issue of Black nationhood have yet shown just how they are prepared to deal with the certain prospect of America economic subversion. Political independence doesn’t necessarily mean political or economic control of a national economy. It is an unquestioned fact that the independent nations in Africa all of whom have their on Black governments, legislatures, flags and presidents, none of them including Guinea and Tanzania, are totally self-supporting.
The same principle that is in operation regarding the 25 all Black towns, applies on an international level with African and other Third World countries. U.S. Imperialism is the major road block to the freedom and independence of every individual and country in the Third World bloc. Cultural Nationalism’s failure to comprehend adequately the scope of U.S. Imperialism stems mainly from the narrowness of its ideological framework. As a consequence, Cultural Nationalists, in the tradition of Garvey, have completely ruled out, for the most part, the class view of the struggle. And instead relying solely on the racial analysis, Karenga again interprets the feelings of most Cultural Nationalists on this point: “The international issue is racism not economics. Racism rules out economics. Therefore, we conceive of the problem today not as a class struggle but a global struggle against racism.” (See Mulana Ron Karenga, “Evils of Racism,” Washington Post, January 10, 1970.)
This view is of course based on an erroneous assumption. Race does not rule out economics. If anything, in America, racist oppression and division are to a great extent the outstanding outgrowth of White America’s four hundred year pursuit of capitalist economics. A pursuit that began with the wealth America derived from the African slave trade and the justification for its existence being the rationalized myth of Black inferiority. (See W.E.B. DuBois, the World and Africa, New York, International Publishers, 1965, Foreword.)
The corporate power structure today still depends on racism as a weapon to divide Black and White workers. This is not to say that White racism would be entirely eliminated if capitalism as a system was thoroughly transformed. For it is undeniably true that racism as a detreminantal component has completely permeated every institutional fiber in White American society. ( See Lerone Bennett Jr., Confrontation Black and White, Chicago, Johnson Publishing Co., 1965, pp. 18-20.)
As a result, White racism as a distinctly separate on-going process has in itself achieved the position of institutional status. Even so, it is inaccurate to attempt to separate White racism as a process from its base of origin, capitalism. On their basic levels, the two are inseparable. To deny the character of one is to deny the character of the other. In a proper perspective, the eradication of capitalism is a major requisite in any real effort to solve the problem of racism.
Finally no discussion of Cultural Nationalism could possibly be considered compete without an analysis or at least a clarification of what is meant by culture. Culture and its particular relationship to the Black liberation struggle, has promoted Cultural Nationalists, for the most part to believe that culture is the most important factor in the struggle. (See Mao Tse tung, Talks at the Yemen Forum of Literature and Art, May 2, 1942, pp. 69-70.) Many other theorists disagree and take issue with this position. Frantz Fanon defines culture: “It is first the expression of a nation, the expression of its preferences of its taboos and of its patterns.” Fanon further states: ” In the colonial situation, culture, which is duly deprived of the support of the nation and of the state, falls away and dies. The condition for its existence is therefore national liberation and the renaissance of the state.” Fanon then is saying that the emphasis on culture should be related but a secondary feature of any liberation struggle. (See Ernest Ranly, Frantz Fanon and the Radical Left, American, November 1, 1969, p. 384).
It is agreed by nearly all involved in the Black Cultural Nationalist movement that Black America is in fact a colonized nation. Since, Black people are a colonized people; Fanon’s assessment of the role of culture should apply to Black America as readily as it would to the colonial countries of the Third World. As Fanon views it “national liberation and the renaissance of the state are the prerequisites for the successful and permanent growth of genuine Black national cultural values and consciousness.” Cultural Nationalism, as it is presently defined ideologically, must be opposed. At this juncture in the Black liberation struggle, Black unity and active attempt at alliance with all other oppressed grouping in America are of paramount importance. Nationalism, as history has shown, can potentially be a progressive force in bringing about a society’s social transformation, provided, of course, that it is not exploited by the selfish, narrow ends of a few individuals. As Fanon has warned: “If Nationalism is not enriched and deepened by a very rapid transformation into a consciousness of social and political needs in other words into humanism, it leads us to a blind alley. (See Bobby Seal, Seize The Time, New York, Random House, 1970).
At this point it should be proper to note that the phenomenon known as Black Cultural Nationalism in the United States is not indicative of Black Cultural Nationalism over the world. As we see a distinct difference in the Black liberation struggle in the United States and other world liberation struggles, we also see few parallels in Black Cultural Nationalism in U.S. and African Cultural Nationalism. Thus, a historical analysis of the concepts of Cultural Nationalism must first be confined to specific geographic regions hence one is able to objectively and correctly conclude his findings. Other Sources: 1. Editors of Ebony, The White Problem in America, Chicago Johnson Publishing Co., 1969. 2. Kwame Nkrumah, Class Struggle In Africa, New York, International Publishers, 1970. DO POOR BLACK INDEPENDENT CHRISTIAN WRITER’S HAVE A RIGHT TO FREE SPEECH AND EQUAL ACESS TO THE PUBLISHING MARKETING PLACE?
ARE WE DISCRIMINATED AGAINST BASED ON RELIGION ARE RACE?
Let it be written that many Black writers have come speaking of many things that are seen in radicalism and controversy. However many in the world support their right to the market place and constitutional guarantees regarding the 1st Amendment. Meanwhile those that come as REAL CHRISTIANS like the writer’s of Psyche Z Publishing/FreedomJournal are Censored by a vast assortment of people some as unbelievers and many as so-called Christians. These people also come from the left and the right. However we stand neither left nor right as Jesus Christ encompasses all.
Peace be unto you, Our prayers are for the few righteous and will forever be for the enemies of God Carl A. Patton a willing servant of God March 19, 2007 in the days and times of our Lord Jesus Christ.
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My dearly beloved Brethren,
Peace be unto you. Noah came crying and pleading that the world and its people were consumed with sin. However none sought repentance and looked upon Noah a man of righteousness as crazy.
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